- In an Executive Order issued on Wednesday, April 8, President Obama took a step towards reforming health care by establishing the White House Office of Health Reform and a separate Office of Health Reform in the Department of Health and Human Services. The Offices will work to coordinate the administration’s efforts to make health care more available and affordable. The White House office will be headed by former Clinton administration official Nancy-Ann DeParle.
- On Wednesday, April 8, a congressional oversight panel released a report declaring the success of the administration’s financial programs to be “mixed.” Harvard Law professor Elizabeth Warren, who heads the panel, said that there is a need for greater transparency—a call that was echoed by House Speaker Nanci Pelosi. In spite of this, the Fed has requested that financial institutions currently undergoing “stress tests” not reveal the results.
- On April 8 President Obama announced the nomination of Mary Smith to head the DOJ’s Tax Division. On April 13, Ian Gershengorn was tapped as Deputy Assistant Attorney General in the DOJ’s Civil Division, with oversight of the Federal Programs Bench. And on April 14, it was revealed that President Obama will likely tap Fannie Mae Chief Herb Allison to run the $700 billion bailout as Assistant Secretary for the Office of Financial Stability.
- Attorney General Eric Holder mixed things up at the Justice Department on April 8, while indicating that he would make selections on the basis of experience rather than politics. Significantly, he named a new head of the Office of Professional Responsibility—Mary Patrice Brown. Brown’s appointment came one day after Federal District Court Judge Emmet Sullivan called the silence at the OPR “deafening” as he set aside charges against former Senator Ted Stevens (at the DOJ’s request) and commenced criminal contempt proceedings against the Stevens prosecutors. On April 14, Holder said he would improve DOJ prosecutor training.
- Also on Wednesday, the Obama administration indicated that it would participate in direct group talks with Iran. The U.S. and its European allies are reportedly considering dropping the long-standing condition that Iran shut down its nuclear facilities at an early stage of negotiation.
- On Thursday, April 9, the President announced that he would seek $83.4 billion in funding for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, to the consternation of some Democratic politicians. Meanwhile, General Raymond Odierno told a British newspaper that U.S. combat troops may not be able to withdraw from Iraqi cities by the June 30 deadline. Over the weekend, however, Odierno said he was certain that all U.S. troops will be gone by 2011. (more…)
Archive for April, 2009
Executive Action Report: 4/8/09 – 4/14/09
April 15, 2009Weekly Web Watch (4/5-4/12)
April 12, 2009Mark Danner releases part two of his piece on the Red Cross Torture Report, chronicling the genealogy of torture policies and the grisly details of their implementation. Propublica says that the complicity of medical professionals in torture is particularly troubling and warrants further inquiry.
Writing for Slate, Bruce Fein calls President Obama a czar and accuses him of wielding executive power like an imperialist. The renewed disgruntlement with Obama stems largely from the Department of Justice’s decision to invoke the state secrets privilege, again – this time in asking for the dismissal of a suit charging the NSA with illegal surveillance of millions of Americans’ phone calls and emails. ABCNews’ Jake Tapper charts the president’s evolution on the issue in the aptly titled “On State Secrets, Meet Barack W. Obama.” The Washington Post’s Dan Froomkin says invoking the privilege here is “utterly un-American.” Harper’s Scott Horton points out the equally tenuous claim to sovereign immunity asserted by the administration in the case, which Volokh Conspiracy’s Orin Kerr also calls a “terrible argument.”
Many on the Left initially applauded CIA Director Leon Panetta’s announcement that the agency would be decommissioning its infamous overseas black sites and that contractors would no longer be authorized to conduct interrogations. Scott Horton, among others, is taking issue with Panetta’s promise not to investigate or prosecute those involved in torture and other suspect activities under the Bush Administration. The Daily Beast’s John Sifton smells a cover up. CQ Politics personalizes the issues at stake by telling the story of CIA interrogator Mark Swanner, who has gone off the books after Iraqi Manadel al-Jamadi died in his custody.
Slate’s Julian Davis Mortenson breaks down the implications of the Spanish investigation into allegations of torture at Guantanamo Bay. Foreign Policy’s Tom Ricks says that even if the architects (such as Dick Cheney) and perpetrators of torture are not prosecuted, they will still be “waterboarded by history.”
The D.C. Circuit Court refused to find Secretary of Defense Robert Gates in contempt for refusing to release 17 Chinese Uighur detainees at Guantanamo Bay following a court ruling absolving them of any ties to terrorism. The Weekly Standard’s Thomas Joscelyn suggests that more detainees are likely to find themselves in legal limbo since various European countries are unwilling to accept them in their borders.
The DOJ filed an appeal in federal district court to delay execution of last week’s ruling extending some constitutional rights to detainees held at Bagram Air Force Base in Afghanistan. Salon’s Glenn Greenwald says it’s further evidence that Bagram is Obama’s Guantanamo.
Harold Koh, the Obama Administration’s choice to become chief legal counsel at the State Department, continued to fuel heated exchanges in the blogosphere this week. Opinio Juris’ Julian Ku has ten questions he wants Koh to answer. In perhaps the most substantive dialogue, the National Review’s Ed Whelan points to a Harvard Law Review article by Curtis Bradley and Jack Goldsmith (“Customary International Law as Federal Common Law: A Critique of the Modern Position,” 110 Harv. L. Rev. 815 (1997)) to criticize the soundness of Koh’s transnationalist legal philosophy. Publius of Obsidian Wings responds that Whelan mischaracterizes Koh’s philosophy and also notes that the Bradley/Goldsmith article “was not handed down from Sinai” and remains the subject of scholarly debate. Meanwhile, Volokh Conspiracy’s Eric Posner says that the Koh controversy is much ado about nothing and asserts that Koh merely sees international law as a vehicle for pushing the judiciary to the Left and will be pragmatic when faced with countervailing concerns.
Writing for Executive Watch, John McGinnis makes the case that Eric Holder politicized the DOJ by overruling an OLC opinion. Executive Watch’s Neil Kinkopf disagrees. Balkinization’s Mark Tushnet and Volokh Conspiracy’s Jonathan Adler engage in a parallel debate.
Executive Watch’s Peter Shane lays out four ways that Obama’s use of signing statements is already troubling.
Writing last Friday, the National Review’s Andrew McCarthy questions whether Obama has what it takes to take on Somalia’s pirates and their testing of the rule of law. On Sunday, Obama authorized the military to use the force necessary to rescue a U.S. captain in pirate captivity, paving the way for a successful rescue and earning the fanfare of the mainstream media.
Eric Holder and the Rule of Law
April 9, 2009Last week, the Washington Post reported that Attorney General Eric Holder rejected the advice of the Office of Legal Counsel on the bill to grant D.C. a member of the House of Representatives. (OLC reportedly advised Holder that the proposal would be unconstitutional.) Ever since, the blogosphere has been abuzz with charges of impropriety. John McGinnis’s post on this site is a leading example. McGinnis writes “less than two months after his confirmation the Attorney General has shown that he is not interested in the rule of law when it conflicts with his own political preferences.” Ed Whelan has made similar claims at NRO and in last Sunday’s Washington Post. The charge that Eric Holder has subordinated the Justice Department’s legal interpretations to his own political preferences is a serious one. In fact, if the charge is true, Eric Holder should resign and, if he refuses to do so, President Obama should fire him.
But are the charges true? Not based on anything in the Washington Post story. (more…)
Executive Action Report: 4/1/09 – 4/7/09
April 8, 2009- Last week the President and First Lady kicked off a week-long tour of Europe.
- On his first full day in London, Wednesday, April 1, President Obama paid a visit to Queen Elizabeth II, held a press conference with Prime Minister Gordon Brown, and met with both Chinese President Hu Jintao and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev.
- On Thursday, April 2, President Obama attended the G20 summit, Among other things, the G20 leaders agreed to regulate financial institutions more strictly and to commit a total of $1.1 trillion to the IMF. President Obama called the agreement a “turning point.”
- On Friday, April 3, the Obamas were off to France. Speaking before a crowd in Strasbourg, the President stressed the need to rid the world of nuclear weapons, address climate change, and continue to fight terrorism. President Sarkozy said his country would accept one Guantanamo prisoner.
- On Saturday, April 4, President Obama attended a 60th anniversary NATO Summit. Obama pressed for increased NATO support in Afghanistan, but received a less-than-enthusiastic response.
- On Sunday, April 5, the President met with Czech Prime Minister Mirek Topolanek in Prague. Obama again called for reductions in nuclear weapons worldwide, and denounced North Korea’s missile launch.
- Obama paid a visit to Turkey on Monday, April 6. Speaking to Turkish parliament, the President declared that the United States “is not and will never be at war with Islam,” and called Turkey a “critical ally.”
- On Tuesday, April 7, President Obama rounded off his foreign tour by paying a surprise visit to Baghdad, Iraq. The President met with Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, and made clear his position that Iraqis “need to take responsibility for their own country.”
- Meanwhile, back in the United States, on Wednesday, April 1, the Senate Judiciary Committee held a confirmation hearing for David Hamilton, whom President Obama has nominated to serve on the 7th Circuit, as well as Ronald H. Weich (nominee for Assistant AG of Office of Legislative Affairs) and R. Gil Kerlikowske (nominee for Director of National Drug Control Policy). Somewhat surprisingly, the sparsely-attended hearing lasted less than two hours. Meanwhile, Hamilton’s sister-in-law Dawn Johnsen is still awaiting confirmation as OLC head (Neil Kinkopf, writing at Executive Watch, plead for the Senate to “[f]ree Dawn Johnsen”).
Keeping Signing Statements Rare
April 7, 2009With the Obama Administration in Month Three, discerning the new President’s views of executive power is still largely a matter of reading tea leaves. A few of the more intriguing leaves have, of course, been the President’s memorandum on signing statements and, in short order, his own first two signing statements, here and here.
I entirely agree with Neil Kinkopf that there is no real kinship between the theories of executive power expressed in President Obama’s first two signing statements and the extreme claims to executive authority made hundreds and hundreds of times by George W. Bush. But, with all respect for my beloved co-chronicler of signing statements, I think it is OK to be concerned already that the Obama Administration is not yet “getting it” on this subject.
An End Run Around the Rule of Law
April 6, 2009Today’s post is by guest contributor John O. McGinnis
Attorney General Holder has pledged to restore the rule of law, implicitly suggesting that it was weakened during the Bush Administration. But less than two months after his confirmation the Attorney General has shown that he is not interested in the rule of law when it conflicts with his own political preferences. In a move that appears unprecedented, he has disregarded the opinion of the Office of Legal Counsel on the constitutionality of pending legislation without overruling OLC with his own reasoned analysis. If he recommends that the President sign the bill under these circumstances, he will be shirking the Attorney General’s primary duty—aiding the President in following his own oath to uphold the Constitution.
The bill in question provides voting representation to the District of Columbia. The Constitution provides that “The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second year by the People of the several states.” The District of Columbia is not a state. Its proponents argue that Congress’ power to exercise legislative power over the District gives it authority to provide a Member from the District. But Congress must exercise its authority consistently with the express commands of the Constitution.
It is the long standing practice of the Department of Justice to provide constitutional analysis of any bill that may be presented to the President so that the President can fulfill his constitutional duty of signing only bills that are constitutional. As a result, the Office of Legal Counsel had previous occasion to conclude that this giving voting representation to the District is unconstitutional. According to uncontradicted news reports, the Obama administration’s OLC affirmed the same conclusion.
Weekly Web Watch (3/29-4/5)
April 5, 2009The Department of Justice requested another delay in releasing three opinions from the Bush Administration’s Office of Legal Counsel providing the legal justification for torture. Newsweek reports that the Obama administration is divided on releasing the memos. A New York Times editorial calls on President Obama to heed his own pledge of transparency and release them. Mother Jones’ Kevin Drum says that it is for the better if the release embarrasses allies who assisted in torture and makes them less willing to do it next time. Harper’s Scott Horton suggests that if John Brennan, the prime advocate of keeping the tortures secret, gets his way it means that Dick Cheney is still exercising influence on current policy.
A federal district court judge ruled that some prisoners detained at Bagram Air Force Base in Afghanistan are entitled to challenge their imprisonment. Volokh Conspiracy’s Orin Kerr thinks the opinion is a “careful and thorough application of Boumediene,” but that the Supreme Court may still see things differently. The editors of the National Review view the ruling as an imperial judiciary going global, while the ACLU sees it as “another rebuke to the government’s claim that is free to establish law-free zones.”
The Blog of Legal Times reports on further delay of the confirmation vote for Dawn Johnsen, President Obama’s nominee to run OLC. Executive Watch’s Neil Kinkopf rebuts the dominant criticisms of the nominee and calls on the Senate to “free Dawn Johnsen.” Writing for Balkinization, Andrew Koppelman is appalled at the misappropriation of his statements about Johnsen by prominent Republican legislators and conservative commentators and says their criticisms amount to libel. ThinkProgress lists other Obama nominees currently being held up for confirmation.
A DOJ task force has cleared another detainee, Ayman Saeed Batarfi, for release from Guantanamo Bay. The Weekly Standard’s Thomas Joscelyn ties Batarfi to al-Qaeda and lists the reasons why he is worried about his release. In other Gitmo-related commentary, five authorities on national security law and civil liberties debate the lessons to be drawn from the case of 17 Chinese Muslim Uighurs, who are no longer considered enemy combatants, but remain in legal limbo. The Blog of Legal Times reports on an alliance of detainees’ lawyers challenging the legality of Obama’s Guantanamo guidelines. The ACLU’s Will Matthews writes in Daily Kos about the “callousness” of U.S. government officials toward immigrant detainees, perhaps a reason prompting the Nation’s Jeanne Theoharis to call for the eradication of a Guantanamo mindset, not just the closing of a base.
Democrats on the Senate Judiciary Committee swiftly moved forward with a hearing for Obama’s first circuit court nominee, prompting a Republican boycott because of inadequate time to prepare. The National Review’s Ed Whelan says that the Democrats’ maneuver reveals a fear that a full review of the nominee, David Hamilton, will show that he is far from a moderate. Volokh Conspiracy’s Jonathan Adler is skeptical that Republicans could uncover anything meaningful with more time and says that Congress should generally assume a deferential posture toward a president’s nominees. Two more appellate court nominees are on the way. Just as the Obama Administration reasserted the American Bar Association’s role in the nomination process, some are accusing it of left-wing bias, including the social scientist authors of this paper.
Slate’s Dahlia Lithwick documents an alleged right-wing smear campaign against Harold Koh, the nominee to become the chief counsel at the State Department. National Review’s Ed Whelan issues a rebuttal. The Politico highlights the surprising decision of President Bush’s solicitor general, Ted Olson, to come out in support of Koh. National Review’s Andy McCarthy issues a rejoinder. Writing for Balkinization, Kenji Yoshino makes perhaps the most comprehensive case for Koh.
The New York Daily News pans the Obama Administration’s decision to abandon the phrase “Global War on Terror.” Matthew Yglesias, though, says that the change will make it easier to base national security decisions on sound policy and not just good politics. Nevertheless, the change in rhetoric prompts the New York Times’ Peter Baker and the Weekly Standard’s Michael Goldfarb to ask more broadly whether Obama’s foreign policy is different only in word from Bush’s.
Reflecting on the National Court of Spain’s decision to review a complaint implicating several Bush-era lawyers allegedly involved in crafting the administration’s legal justification for torture, Stephen Brainridge sets forth the troubling consequences of permitting claims hinging on “universal jurisdiction.” Scott Horton says that the Spanish action is better than nothing, though a full-fledged domestic investigation and prosecution would be optimal. Earlier in the week it appeared that Senator Patrick Leahy (D-VT) was backing away from his previous idea of instituting a Truth Commission, but later clarified that the Commission is not dead, just resting.
Ed Whelan takes to the pages of the Washington Post to argue that Attorney General Eric Holder has politicized the Department of Justice by overriding the OLC after it determined that the Voting Rights Bill – which would grant the District of Columbia a voting member in the House – is unconstitutional. Volokh Conspiracy has a slew of posts analyzing the matter and its implications. Already Holder appears to be falling short of Scott Horton’s five steps to fix the DOJ, though, Horton points out, Holder’s repudiation of former Senator Ted Stevens’ (R-AK) corruption conviction represents a step in the right direction.
Writing in the wake of Treasury Secretary’s plan to restore strength to the financial sector, Simon Johnson writes in the Atlantic Monthly that the finance industry has captured the American government and needs to be separated for enduring reform to happen. Paul Krugman, Glenn Greenwald, and Joseph Stiglitz concur. The New Republic’s Noam Scheiber, however, thinks that Johnson overstates his case and believes that the Geithner-Obama plan is an okay deal for taxpayers. In other financial commentary, Time has an important piece on the influence of behavioral economists (who are increasingly trendy in legal literature these days) on the Obama Administration.
Free Dawn Johnsen
April 2, 2009The Blog of the Legal Times reports that Dawn Johnsen’s nomination to head the Office of Legal Counsel is being held up and is unlikely to receive a Senate vote for at least three weeks. Based on questions at her Judiciary Committee hearing and on comments in the media and blogosphere, Republicans appear to have three concerns, all unfounded: Dawn Johnsen is a vicious partisan who stridently advocates extreme pro-abortion positions and whose narrow views of executive power would dangerously compromise the flexibility. The claims relating to abortion and executive power have been thoroughly debunked elsewhere, so I don’t believe there would be much value to me piling on. The charge that Johnsen is a vicious partisan could not be further from the truth, and deserves its own refutation.
A charge that a nominee to the Department of Justice is a vicious partisan is always a serious matter, but is especially so at the present. There are charges that DOJ’s decisionmaking was broadly infected by partisan considerations. The Office of Professional Responsibility has issued several reports (here, here, and here) detailing how DOJ officials improperly considered partisanship in making hiring decisions. There are also concerns that U.S. Attorneys were fired for refusing to bring politically motivated prosecutions (these charges cannot be said to have been proven, but the concerns have had an impact on DOJ’s credibility). (more…)
Executive Action Report: 3/25/09 – 3/31/09
April 1, 2009- Last week President Obama announced the nomination of Yale Law School dean Harold Hongju Koh as legal advisor to the State Department. A nomination hearing has not yet been scheduled.
- On Wednesday, March 25, the Senate unanimously confirmed David Kris as assistant attorney general for the National Security Division. The next day, March 26, the Senate Judiciary Committee gave a thumbs-up to three DOJ nominees: Lanny Breuer as assistant AG for the Criminal Division, Christine Varney as assistant AG for the Antitrust Division, and Tony West as assistant AG for the Civil Division. Meanwhile, OLC Head-to-be Dawn Johnsen is still waiting for a confirmation vote.
- Speaking of Obama nominees, a Senate Judiciary Committee hearing for the President’s first judicial nominee, David Hamilton, has been set for April 1. That same day, the Judiciary Committee will question Ronald Weich, nominee for assistant AG for the Office of Legislative Affairs, and R. Gil Kerlikowske, nominee for Director of National Drug Control Policy.
- On Thursday, March 26, Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner announced expansive plans to regulate financial firms. The scheme, if approved by Congress, would grant the administration power to take over non-bank financial institutions, including hedge funds. The AP reports that hedge funds are “generally accept[ing]” the plan.
- On Friday, March 27, attorneys representing Guantanamo detainees responded to the DOJ’s March 13 memo, which outlined the administration’s stance on indefinite detention, with their own filing. Relying on the AUMF and Hamdi v. Rumsfeld, the attorneys argue that the President is still acting outside of his powers.
Getting the Guy’s Attention
April 13, 2009Still well inside his first 100 days, and with promised reconsiderations of how White House power is to be structured and used still understandably outstanding (if delivered on the short schedule promised, we should see them in a month or two), President Obama is regularly being accused from the Right of simply continuing his predecessor’s monarchist/czarist pretensions. The John Yoo’s among them should be celebrating the continuation of attitudes they so enthusiastically supported; but one must acknowledge that there were conservative as well as liberal critics of George Bush’s democracy-dangerous claims. The problem is that government like an oil tanker takes a good while to change course. For any given event the connection between the man at the helm and the rudder may be rather remote.
Bruce Fein’s recent Slate article, treats government lawyers’ arguments in two cases arguably involving American war crimes as if they had been personally made and submitted by the President himself. As one who was twice a government lawyer in a chain of command over litigation positions, I can testify that it does not happen that way. Communication up and down is slow and imperfect, habits die hard, and White House involvement is rarely if ever entailed. Treating the top guy as personally choosing everything that may happen is politically useful (Harry Truman’s “the buck stops here”) but it is also hazardous. Since like news content choices, what it teaches is that the negative overwhelms the positive, what it teaches is that tight control from the center is essential. Holding President Obama personally accountable for every government legal position that may be taken is a way of asserting that White House politics must control the details of all litigation. This is the road toward, not away from, a czarist regime.
The flack may serve to get the guy’s attention. But then it may also serve to further extend the tendrils of the White House in ways we should regret. Mr. Obama did not write, or personally endorse, those arguments, and Mr. Fein knows better than to write as if he did.
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