Posts Tagged ‘Weekly Web Watch’

Weekly Web Watch 07/20/09 – 07/26/09

July 26, 2009

The Obama administration announced that its task forces on detention and interrogation had requested deadline extensions to issue their reports.  The White House maintains that the promise to close Guantanamo in January is still operative.  Deborah Pearlstein believes that the extensions are not big news and concludes that this means the administration is looking for ways to avoid releasing detainees that they consider to still be dangerous.  The task force on detention did offer a preliminary report (hotlink to ABC).  Liza Goiten reviews it and finds it lacking in analysis but plentiful in advocacy.  And Glenn Greenwald links to a report by Human Rights First that shows over 90% of terrorism suspects brought to the court system are convicted.  Meanwhile, Pentagon General Counsel Jeh Johnson appeared to take back earlier comments that Guantanamo detainees might be detained beyond January.

Iraqi President Nouri al-Maliki suggested that U.S. troops could be staying in Iraq beyond 2011, which is when the Status of Forces agreement expires.  Juan Cole does not see big news in the announcement, believing that al-Maliki only meant to cover a few advisors.  Eli Lake speaks with a couple of experts, however, who agree that the statement does signal a shift in policy.

The New York Times reports that, in 2002, Bush administration officials, led by Dick Cheney, argued that the military should be used to arrest and detain terrorism suspects found in Lackawanna, NY.  Ultimately, Bush ordered the FBI to make the arrests instead.  Jack Balkin sees in the episode evidence of a desire to evade Fourth Amendment guarantees against government detention.

The latest intelligence funding bill might mandate disclosure of documentation of the intelligence gained through enhanced interrogation techniques.  The proposed bill passed out of the Senate intelligence committee, where it appears to have split Democrats.

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Weekly Web Watch 07/13/09 – 07/19/09

July 19, 2009

The big story this week has been the Sotomayor confirmation hearing (or, possibly, the health care agenda).  While the remembered phrase from the hearing will likely be “wise Latina,” there have been several windows into Sonia Sotomayor’s views on executive power.  First was the declaration on June 10 by Vice President Joe Biden to law enforcement groups that Sotomayor has “got your back.”  This has been followed by Chuck Schumer’s declaration that Sotomayor rules in favor of the government 83% of the time, the median rate for judges.  Stephanie Mencimer says that the confirmation hearings have shown a Sotomayor who can be as “mean” as any white male judge.  Jacob Sullum, however, says that the judge’s record is far more mixed and cautions against drawing any sweeping conclusions.

It now appears to be the accepted wisdom that the secret CIA program disclosed by CIA Director Leon Panetta last week was, in fact, an assassination squad designed to locate and kill senior Al Qaeda leaders.  Andy McCarthy feels that the outrage is a dummy scandal drummed up by Democrats; Stephen Hayes and Bill Kristol agree.  Adam White says that disclosure of the program was not statutorily required.  Kenneth Anderson argues that the disclosure will make the administration clearly decide whether to prosecute actions against Al Qaeda under a self-defense rubric or one of “soft law.”  Stratfor notes that while the program was mostly rendered obsolete by the use of UAV strikes, there could still be a desire for a “boots-on-the-ground” program in the intelligence community.  Philip Giraldi’s sources tell him that the program went active once and nearly encountered catastrophe; he concludes that, given the difficulties in running an effective assassination squad, it’s best that the program was shelved.  Was this the secret assassination unit run by Dick Cheney that Sy Hersh reported on in March?  Michael Moynihan says no.  Hersh claims vindication.

What are our goals in Afghanistan?  Tom Friedman of the NYT hopes that we can bring cultural change to the region through schooling but notes that this is a different goal than the elimination of Al Qaeda.  Dave Schuler is sympathetic but notes that such a policy is likely to engender resistance among the Afghans.  Meanwhile, commanders in Afghanistan prefer to avoid the word “surge” to describe the “planned troop increase” because it suggests that the program will be temporary.  Gary Schmitt says that Obama is repeating the mistakes of the Bush administration when it comes to Afghanistan because the Afghani national institutions are not ready to stand on their own.  Rory Stewart sees the conflict more as a measure of American strengths than as a mortal struggle and recommends that the U.S. and the U.K. review whether resources are better spent in Afghanistan or Pakistan.

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Weekly Web Watch 07/06/09 – 07/12/09

July 12, 2009

The Inspector Generals of Justice, Defense, CIA, NSA, and the Director of National Intelligence released their report on the “President’s Surveillance Program.”  This report was mandated by the FISA Amendments Act of 2008.  Spencer Ackerman blogs his run through the report at the Washington Independent.  He highlights the finding that Alberto Gonzales’s testimony before Congress was misleading, but not intentionally so.  He also reports that the IGs determined that the majority of leads generated by the program had no connection to terrorism.  Andy McCarthy has his own rundown, which includes notes that two 9/11 hijackers would have been identified through the program and that Congressional leaders were briefed about the program.  The Washington Post keyed in on the report’s finding that only three lawyers at the Department of Justice were briefed on the program, noting that this structure allowed memos to evade “a rigorous peer review process.”  And Jack Balkin reminds readers that most of the activities in the report are now legal.  Meanwhile, Glenn Greenwald is irritated by the restrictions placed on the IGs in producing their report.  And Ryan Singel warns that some criminal prosecutions might be tainted by information gained through the program but not shared with defense attorneys.

CIA Director Leon Panetta revealed that the CIA had actively concealed operations from Congress for years, including some outright lies.  Eli Lake reports that one concealed program might have involved assassination.  Later follow-ups suggest that former VP Dick Cheney might be behind the concealment.  Steven Taylor has this takeaway from the whole situation: “The broader problem here is that the current congressional oversight process over intelligence doesn’t work very well (if at all).”  Some Democrats agree and have sought to expand the number of congressmen that must be briefed on CIA activities; President Obama has pledged to veto any Intelligence Authorization bill that includes that requirement (see original link).  Interestingly, one of the more prominent bloggers brought into the Obama administration was Marty Lederman, who, last year, proposed a measure remarkably similar to Congress’s (it is doubtful that this issue will involve OLC, however, which is where Lederman is now working).

Pentagon general counsel Jeh Johnson claims that the executive can detain people it claims as national-security threats even if they are acquitted in a criminal trial.  Deborah Pearlstein claims that this is not as controversial as many have made it out to be, pointing out that prisoner-of-war detention has never been subject to the results of criminal trial.  Jonathan Turley, by contrast, sees this as the “retention and expansion of abusive Bush policies.”  And Michael Goldfarb, cheering the decision, calls the assertion of power “no different than it was under Bush.”

President Obama and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev signed a deal to reduce nuclear armaments in the two countries by a third.  Former Defense Secretary James Schlesinger hopes that this is not the first step towards a nuclear-free world.  Dave Schuler has more from both sides.

Attorney General Eric Holder might appoint a prosecutor to investigate claims of torture and detainee abuse.  The Washington Post reports that such a prosecutor would only investigate claims against interrogators who went beyond legal authorizations offered by the DoJ.  Scott Horton claims, however, that the decision is not final and that the scope may include individuals who formulated “enhanced interrogation” procedures.  Glenn Greenwald claims that Horton is the only source peddling that line and offers his own thoughts on the proposal.

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Weekly Web Watch (6/7-7/5)

July 5, 2009

U.S. forces pulled out of major Iraqi cities in what CQ Politics calls a “quiet” withdrawal. Foreign Policy’s Mark Lynch says the Obama Administration should be praised for honoring the Status of Force Agreement between the two countries. Foreign Policy’s Peter Feaver fears America is compromising a decent outcome in Iraq. Fellow Foreign Policy blogger, Tom Ricks, says that there’s no decent outcome to be had, but concedes that a pulling out now might not be optimal for undoing the Bush-era damage.

Foreign Policy’s Mark Lynch examines how Arabs will judge Obama’s Guantanamo policy, concluding that his policy must be clear and bold to have a positive impact. The New York Times’ Charlie Savage illustrates why clarity and boldness have not marked Obama’s counterterrorism policies thus far, instead bearing close resemblance to the policies of President Bush. In other Gitmo commentary, the Atlantic Monthly’s Chris Good details efforts by a Guantanamo detainee to suppress evidence produced by torture and place the Obama administration in the difficult position of demonstrating why the evidence is still legitimate. In another case, the New York Times reports that lawyers want to visit black sites run by the CIA before they are decommissioned to see if they were tainted by harsh conditions and torture.

The New York Times’ Roger Cohen says if President Obama engages with Iran, he “betrays millions of Iranians who have defrauded and have risked their lives to have their votes count.” The National Review’s Andy McCarthy agrees, with his characteristic rhetorical flourish.

The Washington Independent’s Spencer Ackerman slams Secretary of Defense Bob Gates’s recent statement on Don’t Ask Don’t Tell as incoherent, while The Weekly Standard’s Michael Goldfarb says it’s reasonable. Relatedly, Lt. Dan Choi lost his first administrative challenge after being dismissed under DADT.

ProPublica’s Dafna Linzer notes that President Obama appeared to back away from issuing an executive order establishing indefinite detention. Left-leaning commentators were angered by rumors of an impending executive order, including Obsidian Wings’ Hilzoy, who said that it would undermine America’s basic respect for the rule of law. Liza Goitein writes for Balkinization about why the issue is so divisive. Benjamin Wittes and Jack Goldsmith pen a guest column for the Washington Post explaining why the President should collaborate more with Congress on national security matters. Volokh Conspiracy’s Jonathan Adler agrees with their analysis.

Weekly Web Watch 06/22/09 – 06/28/09

June 28, 2009

The Washington Post reports that the White House is producing an executive order that would allow the president to detain terrorism suspects indefinitely.  Such an order could use language from Bush administration memos.  Josh Gerstein reports a moderate denial of the story from the White House.  Hilzoy goes through the entire report and winds up opposed to the proposal.  Meanwhile, one town in Montana and one in Michigan both begin lobbying to house any relocated detainees.  Senators from those states are unhappy with this idea.

Deborah Pearlstein reads the war funding bill and speculates about the future of Guantanamo.  She lists various challenges that could be raised against Congress’s attempt to prevent detainees from being transferred into the United States, but doesn’t see much chance of those theories being upheld in court. Meanwhile, Ben Smith reports on speculation that the detainees transferred to Bermuda may have been sent there in exchange for a promise to give more leeway to offshore banks.

Candidate Obama promised to display all bills for five days before signing them.  President Obama’s record on that promise has, so far, been underwhelming.  The White House has now clarified the policy, stating that they will post the bills sooner, possibly before they are passed by Congress.  Jonathan Adler argues that this is part of a larger issue in Washington, noting that few, if any, members of Congress read the climate-change bill passed on Friday.

The Supreme Court tackled the thorny problem of whether school administrators may strip-search students when looking for drugs.  The court’s opinion held, 8-1, that the search violated the Fourth Amendment but, 7-2, that the school official sued was entitled to qualified immunity against the violation.  Ed Whelan has the rundown.  Patrick at Popehat summarizes the decision as “No justice for Savannah Redding, but at least they can’t do it to your kids.”  Publius at Obsidian Wings has a more upbeat take, arguing that qualified immunity is necessary for the protection of constitutional rights.

At his first daytime press conference, Obama called on Nico Pitney of the Huffington Post to deliver the first question.  As it turns out, the administration had spoken with Pitney about this idea beforehand (though they did not specify the exact question to be asked).  Michael Calderone has some thoughts and the video.  Marcy Wheeler thinks that this is a non-issue and an innovative way for the White House to get questions from Iran.  Julian Sanchez doesn’t argue with that, but does have concerns about the White House coordinating questions with the press corps.

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Weekly Web Watch 06/15/09 – 06/21/09

June 21, 2009

The Iranian election between Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Mir Hossein Mousavi is alleged to have been fraudulent.  Protests erupt in the streets.  The government cracks down on the protesters, with sometimes horrific results (warning: graphic footage at the link).  President Obama issues statements of moderate support.  Charles Krauthammer calls this an absurd and cowardly stance; Paul Wolfowitz sees in this “mistaken neutrality” a repeat of the early, confused response to the collapse of the Soviet Union. Joe Klein responds to them both, complete with his own preferred historical reasoning.  Alex Knapp seconds him. Thomas Joscelyn argues that silence does the Iranian people a disservice (see also his colleague Stephen Hayes).  Spencer Ackerman argues that the protests are not a revolution against the Iranian system, but rather a protest against some excesses of the regime.

In response, the House of Representatives, led by Mike Pence, passed a resolution condemning the Iranian government’s actions.  Politico reports that the language of the resolution was moderated by presidential aides.  Jim Henley wonders if this makes the House a body of “535 secretaries of state” and accuses Pence of hypocrisy.  And Dave Weigel observes the Democrats’ response to Pence and predicts that the debate over Congress’s proper role in foreign policy may be shifting.

One intervention that has garnered near-universal praise (though not actually universal)?  The State Department pressured Twitter to postpone maintenance operations while the protests in Iran are ongoing.

The Uighurs assigned to Palau express reservations about going to the island nation. They are primarily concerned with the lack of a Muslim community in Palau and their inability to gain Palauan citizenship and passports.  Meanwhile, Palau’s ambassador takes to the New York Times to refute claims that Palau was paid to accept the detainees.  And, in Bermuda, the arrival of four detainees provokes protest. (more…)

Weekly Web Watch 06/08/09 – 06/14/09

June 14, 2009

The Obama administration comes up with a way to avoid a fight with Congress over the Uighurs detained at Guantanamo – send them to Palau.  Or to Bermuda.  The Telegraph reports that the UK was not consulted.  Thomas Joscelyn sees a resultant fracture developing in the US-UK relationship.  Scott Horton sees friction between the allies resulting from the UK Law Lords’ declaration that detainees are entitled to view all the evidence against them.  And Slate reports on what happens to detainees that are shipped to other countries.

The Obama administration also transferred three detainees to Saudi Arabia.  The Weekly Standard’s Thomas Joscelyn critically notes that one of them is a convicted murderer (in Bosnia).

Meanwhile, Sen. Joe Lieberman calls Guantanamo a “humane” facility and urges the President to keep it open.  A Guantanamo detainee allegedly commits suicide. but the AP is skeptical of the government’s story.  Christopher Hitchens calls Guantanamo a “state-sponsored madrasah,” where the guards are humane but the worst detainees force the others to live the lifestyle of a radical Muslim.

Reports claim that the White House has  abandoned plans to transfer detainees into the United States.  Contrarily, Rep. John Boehner claims that the “first step in the Democrats’ plan to import terrorists into America” has been put in motion.  His evidence: “[A] Tanzanian national held at Guantanamo since September 2006, arrived at the Metropolitan Correctional Center in New York, which has housed several suspected terrorists during their prosecutions in the federal court for the Southern District of New York.”  In Iraq, a detainee suspected of killing 5 Americans is released as part of a peace deal.  And White House press spokesman Robert Gibbs refuses to speculate on whether detainees found not guilty by federal courts would be released.

A Senate Judiciary subcommittee holds a hearing on the implications of long-term detention.  Dan Froomkin and Glenn Greenwald are both optimistic that the Obama administration will be forced to more clearly state whether it supports the Bush administration’s policies or not.

Senators Lindsey Graham and Joe Lieberman proposed an amendment to the latest war spending bill to exclude photos of detainee abuse from being accessible under the Freedom of Information act.  Greg Sargent reports that Nancy Pelosi and other House liberals and libertarians will not allow the amendment into the final bill.  Michael Goldfarb reports that, in the interim, President Obama may use an executive order to prevent the release of the photographs in the event of an unfavorable court rulingSlate helpfully explains what happens when the CIA tells a judge that documents cannot be released.

Judge Jeffrey White refuses to dismiss Jose Padilla’s suit against John Yoo.  Separately, UK cops allegedly waterboard drug suspects.  The New York Times reports that all Bush DOJ officials involved in a 2005 debate about waterboarding agreed that it was legal.  Debate erupts about the role of James Comey, with Scott Horton and Glenn Greenwald accusing the Times of reporting only selected e-mails.

President Obama appoints a special master, or “compensation czar,” to oversee compensation for executives at companies receiving federal assistance.  Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner rushes to clarify the guidelines for the new office .  Meanwhile, the “transparency czar” struggles to provide transparency to the federal assistance programs and urges that “stress tests” be rerun.  And Rep. Darrell Issa goes originalist on the Treasury Secretary, arguing that the modern office of the Treasury Secretary goes far beyond Alexander Hamilton’s worst nightmares. (more…)

Weekly Web Watch (5/31-6/07)

June 7, 2009

President Barack Obama delivered an address from Cairo directed at the “Muslim World” entitled “A New Beginning.” Opinio Juris’s Roger Alford favorably compares the address to Woodrow Wilson’s famous speeches and distills the message to seven key issues. The New Republic’s William Galston concurs, pointing out that Obama has a knack for seizing the moment.  Mouin Rabbani is more skeptical, labeling the speech a “Ctrl+Alt+Del” operation in which American Middle East policy is merely “being rebooted into the same decrepit operating system … it’s the same wars, same autocratic friends and discredited allies, same objective of hegemony and domination.” The New Republic’s Michael Crowley similarly catalogues parallels with President Bush’s language, but maintains that Obama’s speech will have a far greater impact. Harper’s Scott Horton, however, is surprised by the strong criticism that Obama had for all major players in the region, though Afghan Haseeb Humayoon sensed a lack of boldness in Obama’s tone and substance on promoting democracy and human rights. The president’s line that Iran should articulate “not what it is against, but what future it wants to build” resonates with Iranian Taj Bahkhsh. Palestinian journalist Daoud Kuttab notes that the speech was eloquent and set lofty expectations, but says that failure to follow through with actions “will be much worse than had they not been made in the first place.”

The reaction among commentators on Israel has been mixed. David Newman applauds the speech and says it is time for Israel to stop merely speaking of peace and start implementing it by dismantling settlements. James Kirchick finds it “deeply unsettling” that Obama saved his harshest words for Israel. Daniel Gordis thinks Obama split the difference between ideological extremes and assumed positions “virtually identical to those of Israel’s political center.”

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Weekly Web Watch (5/17-5/24)

May 24, 2009

Congratulations to Executive Watch’s own Christopher Schroeder who has been nominated by the Obama Administration to head up the Department of Justice’s Office of Legal Policy.

President Barack Obama delivered a speech from the National Archives laying out his vision on national security and, moments later, former Vice President Dick Cheney disputed Obama’s assertions and expressed his belief that the course the Bush Administration took was superior. The New Republic’s Michael Crowley says that Obama spoke in shades of grey, while Cheney spoke in black and white and declares Obama the winner. The Weekly Standard’s William Kristol, though, declares Cheney the winner because he spoke like a statesman, while Obama spoke like a professor. The New York Times’ Room for Debate features viewpoints that span the ideological spectrum. Benjamin Wittes says that Obama wisely chose a path that “does not claim unbridled executive authority but does insist on an executive capable of disabling the enemy.” David Cole largely echoes Wittes’ sentiments, applauding Obama’s sound articulation of executive power, its limits, and the need to respect due process rights. Diane Marie Annan, however, writes that Obama’s words echo John Yoo’s.  Andy McCarthy perhaps wishes that were true, attacking Obama from the Right and saying that his speech “is the September 10th mindset trying to come to grips with September 11th reality.” Matthew Waxman believes that both speeches missed the mark, Obama’s for insufficiently grappling with details and Cheney’s for clinging to the false hope that all risks can be eliminated, rather than merely managed. The ACLU, Salon’s Glenn Greenwald, and the Washington Post’s Dan Froomkin all expressed ambivalence about Obama’s speech, praising his proclamations concerning executive power, but worrying about his practices.

With an announcement on President Obama’s Supreme Court nominee expected on Tuesday, the American Constitution Society spotlights Executive Watch contributor Peter Shane’s observation that the pick could shape the contours of executive power. The New York Times’ Charlie Savage has a thorough write-up on the issue as well.

The U.S. Senate overwhelmingly voted to strip funding for the closing of Guantanamo Bay. Senate Democratic Majority Leader Harry Reid says that he does not want detainees on U.S. soil. The National Review’s Andy McCarthy lists the reasons why holding detainees in U.S. prisons is a bad idea. The Washington Post reports, however, that U.S. Supermax prisons already hold international terrorists and ThinkProgress notes that officials in Hardin, Montana have asked for 100 detainees to be held in its new facility. In other Gitmo-related commentary, the New York Times reports on an unreleased Pentagon report that concludes one in seven prisoners transferred out of Guantanamo joined in terrorism or militant activity. The Weekly Standard’s Thomas Joscelyn, who has long harped on the memo, reiterates his belief that it went unreleased for political reasons. Opinio Juris’s Peter Spiro notes that the recidivism rate is actually much lower than that of criminals and, furthermore, needs to be weighed against the high costs of keeping Guantanamo Bay open.

President Obama, flanked by environmentalists and industry representatives, announced tough new national standards for car emissions and fuel efficiency. Time’s Brian Walsh addresses the significance of the announcement and shows why Obama’s real tests on environmental policy are still ahead of him.

Jack Goldsmith, an Assistant Attorney General under President Bush, pens an important piece for the New Republic in which he says: “The main difference between the Obama and Bush administrations concerns not the substance of terrorism policy, but rather its packaging.” David Brooks writes approvingly of the piece and explains that Bush repudiated Cheney’s vision long ago and that Obama’s first term is in many ways a continuation of Bush’s second.

In a 5-4 decision, the Supreme Court ruled in Ashcroft v. Iqbal that plaintiff Iqbal’s claims against high-ranking Bush administration officials were too vague to allow the suit to survive a motion to dismiss. Scotusblog’s Lyle Denniston details why the ruling may immunize high-ranking officials from liability related to other abuses such as torture.

Finally, the New Republic’s Jonathan Chait explains why there’s one less torture proponent in America.

Weekly Web Watch (5/10-5/17)

May 17, 2009

In a week that saw surprising announcements from President Barack Obama that photos of detainees abuse would remain concealed and that military commissions would be revived, freshman Rep. Tom Perriello (D-VA) strikes a chord with many on the Left, saying: “The difference between the last administration and this one is the difference between night and dawn. But we’re looking for day.” A New York Times news analysis by David Sanger sees the developments as part of a trend of Obama leading by second thought while an editorial from the paper says that Obama is running the risk “of missing the chance to make sure the misdeeds and horrors of the Bush years are never repeated.” The Weekly Standard responds by arguing that the New York Times “misunderstands the entire nature of the war al Qaeda and its allies are waging on Western Civilization.”

President Barack Obama’s decision to revive and retool military commissions for approximately 20 detainees being held in Guantanamo Bay enraged rights advocacy organizations such as the ACLU as well as liberal commentators like Glenn Greenwald.  Writing for Salon, the ACLU’s Denny LeBoeuf captures the Left’s frustration, noting that the commissions are irredeemably flawed since they permit so many evidentiary “shortcuts” like confessions extracted by torture and cannot measure up to a legitimate system of justice refined over 200 years. Meanwhile, the Wall Street Journal heaps praise on Obama for recognizing that “civilian courts are largely unsuited for the realities of the war on terror” and the National Review’s Rich Lowry says the move vindicates the worldview of former Vice President Dick Cheney. Executive Watch guest contributor Scott L. Silliman and the Atlantic Monthly’s Andrew Sullivan take a middle course, contending that Obama is striking the right balance by removing the worst procedural flaws of the Bush-era commissions while still recognizing that Al-Qaeda detainees are better thought of as combatants than criminals. Opinio Juris’s Julian Ku reminds readers that Obama’s assistant Solicitor General Neal Katyal successfully challenged President Bush’s military commissions in Hamdan v. Rumsfeld as illegal under the Uniform Code of Military Justice and the Geneva Conventions; Ku is anxious to see Katyal’s justification for reviving the commissions. The Atlantic Monthly’s Marc Ambinder says that America’s allies are skeptical of the commissions’ validity. Although many liberals were quick to say Obama was breaking a campaign pledge and many conservatives such as the National Review’s Andrew McCarthy were eager to call Obama disingenuous, CQ Politics’ David Nather makes the important observation that Obama carefully chose his words on the campaign trail and never condemned the idea of commissions outright.

In other Guantanomo-related news, Obsidian Wings’ Hilzoy responds (parts 1 and 2) to Newt Gingrich’s recent ruminations about the troubling consequences of releasing 17 Chinese Muslim Uighurs on U.S. soil by making clear that they were not trained by al-Qaeda and that there is no evidence that they even harbor ill will against America. Lakhdar Boumediene, a former Guantanamo detainee who successfully challenged a portion of the 2006 Military Commissions Act, has arrived in France where he will face terrorism-related charges.

President Obama’s refusal to release photos of detainee abuse (reversing an earlier determination) in relation to an ACLU lawsuit also sparked a firestorm of controversy. The Washington Post’s David Ignatius says that it is an act of political opportunism and distancing from the Left, Obama’s “Sister Soulja” moment. The ACLU charges Obama with adopting “the stonewalling tactics and opaque policies” of his predecessor and says the country must acknowledge the crimes of the past if it wants to move forward. Obama justified his decision by noting that release of the photos would not enhance our understanding of the acts carried out by a small number of individuals, but would inflame anti-American sentiment and “have a chilling effect on future investigations of detainee abuse.” Reason’s Matt Welch and the Washington Independent’s Spencer Ackerman find Obama’s justifications wanting, if not absurd – the former because the release of the Abu Ghraib photos did add to the gravity of the horrendous acts and the latter because only torturers would be chilled. Anonymous Liberal says it’s contradictory for conservatives to steadfastly defend torture, but then admit releasing photos of such acts would “radicalize the Muslim world or help al Qaeda recruit.” Commentary Magazine’s Jennifer Rubin applauds Obama’s decision and says that it reveals he listens to the soundest reasoning, not the best campaign rhetoric. University of Chicago Law professor Geoffrey Stone writes in the Huffington Post, however, that Obama’s decision deprives the United States of a public debate that should be “at the very core of our self-governing society.” Empty Wheel also argues that it violates Obama’s new Freedom of Information Act guidelines. The New Republic’s Jason Zengerle and True Slant’s Ryan Sager examine the same social scientific evidence about jurors’ responses to gruesome evidence and reach opposite conclusions about the photo’s release – Zengerle suggesting that it might inflame violence against American troops and Sager noting that it would motivate citizens to punish torturers. Finally, Foreign Policy’s Tom Ricks says that Obama has gotten rolled by his generals, while his Foreign Policy colleague, Peter Fever says it’s just as likely that Obama is “getting informed” by his generals and making sound decisions in light of their advice.

The Senate Judiciary Committee, under the leadership of Chairman Patrick Leahy (D-VT), held hearings on torture. Talking Points Memo’s Zachary Roth has an excellent roundup of the major news emerging from the hearings. The Project on Government Secrecy reports on former State Department Phillip Zelikow’s testimony, where he noted that he had authored a memo advancing a stricter standard for torture’s legality and was thwarted by other Administration officials in 2006. He also accused Administration officials of attempting to destroy all copies of the memo, but revealed that a copy had finally turned up. The Weekly Standard’s Thomas Joscelyn spotlights and refutes other statements by Zelikow such as his claim that many detainees “do not show large signs of future dangerousness.” ThinkProgress writes about the testimony of another key witness, FBI interrogator Ali Zoufan, who reiterated that Abu Zubaydah revealed useful information under standard interrogation techniques and said that President Bush had been told (and repeated) “half-truths” about his interrogation. ThinkProgress also notes that federal judge Jay Bybee specifically declined Patrick Leahy’s invitation to address the commission.  Concerning the broader topic of legal advice on torture, the American Constitution Society’s Harold Bruff lays out the case that Bush Administration lawyers betrayed their oaths to the Constitution and to their profession. Writing in the Wall Street Journal, the former chief counsel for the Senate Intelligence Committee Victoria Toensing refutes this view, arguing that the critics of the torture memos still haven’t read them and that the lawyers were merely providing their best advice on methods the CIA wished to use. The Atlantic Monthly’s Marc Ambinder reports that the Obama Administration is growing wearier of a Truth Commission, fearing that it will paralyze the ability of the nation’s spy services to execute their tasks.

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