The Obama administration announced that its task forces on detention and interrogation had requested deadline extensions to issue their reports. The White House maintains that the promise to close Guantanamo in January is still operative. Deborah Pearlstein believes that the extensions are not big news and concludes that this means the administration is looking for ways to avoid releasing detainees that they consider to still be dangerous. The task force on detention did offer a preliminary report (hotlink to ABC). Liza Goiten reviews it and finds it lacking in analysis but plentiful in advocacy. And Glenn Greenwald links to a report by Human Rights First that shows over 90% of terrorism suspects brought to the court system are convicted. Meanwhile, Pentagon General Counsel Jeh Johnson appeared to take back earlier comments that Guantanamo detainees might be detained beyond January.
Iraqi President Nouri al-Maliki suggested that U.S. troops could be staying in Iraq beyond 2011, which is when the Status of Forces agreement expires. Juan Cole does not see big news in the announcement, believing that al-Maliki only meant to cover a few advisors. Eli Lake speaks with a couple of experts, however, who agree that the statement does signal a shift in policy.
The New York Times reports that, in 2002, Bush administration officials, led by Dick Cheney, argued that the military should be used to arrest and detain terrorism suspects found in Lackawanna, NY. Ultimately, Bush ordered the FBI to make the arrests instead. Jack Balkin sees in the episode evidence of a desire to evade Fourth Amendment guarantees against government detention.
The latest intelligence funding bill might mandate disclosure of documentation of the intelligence gained through enhanced interrogation techniques. The proposed bill passed out of the Senate intelligence committee, where it appears to have split Democrats.
Weekly Web Watch (5/17-5/24)
May 24, 2009Congratulations to Executive Watch’s own Christopher Schroeder who has been nominated by the Obama Administration to head up the Department of Justice’s Office of Legal Policy.
President Barack Obama delivered a speech from the National Archives laying out his vision on national security and, moments later, former Vice President Dick Cheney disputed Obama’s assertions and expressed his belief that the course the Bush Administration took was superior. The New Republic’s Michael Crowley says that Obama spoke in shades of grey, while Cheney spoke in black and white and declares Obama the winner. The Weekly Standard’s William Kristol, though, declares Cheney the winner because he spoke like a statesman, while Obama spoke like a professor. The New York Times’ Room for Debate features viewpoints that span the ideological spectrum. Benjamin Wittes says that Obama wisely chose a path that “does not claim unbridled executive authority but does insist on an executive capable of disabling the enemy.” David Cole largely echoes Wittes’ sentiments, applauding Obama’s sound articulation of executive power, its limits, and the need to respect due process rights. Diane Marie Annan, however, writes that Obama’s words echo John Yoo’s. Andy McCarthy perhaps wishes that were true, attacking Obama from the Right and saying that his speech “is the September 10th mindset trying to come to grips with September 11th reality.” Matthew Waxman believes that both speeches missed the mark, Obama’s for insufficiently grappling with details and Cheney’s for clinging to the false hope that all risks can be eliminated, rather than merely managed. The ACLU, Salon’s Glenn Greenwald, and the Washington Post’s Dan Froomkin all expressed ambivalence about Obama’s speech, praising his proclamations concerning executive power, but worrying about his practices.
With an announcement on President Obama’s Supreme Court nominee expected on Tuesday, the American Constitution Society spotlights Executive Watch contributor Peter Shane’s observation that the pick could shape the contours of executive power. The New York Times’ Charlie Savage has a thorough write-up on the issue as well.
The U.S. Senate overwhelmingly voted to strip funding for the closing of Guantanamo Bay. Senate Democratic Majority Leader Harry Reid says that he does not want detainees on U.S. soil. The National Review’s Andy McCarthy lists the reasons why holding detainees in U.S. prisons is a bad idea. The Washington Post reports, however, that U.S. Supermax prisons already hold international terrorists and ThinkProgress notes that officials in Hardin, Montana have asked for 100 detainees to be held in its new facility. In other Gitmo-related commentary, the New York Times reports on an unreleased Pentagon report that concludes one in seven prisoners transferred out of Guantanamo joined in terrorism or militant activity. The Weekly Standard’s Thomas Joscelyn, who has long harped on the memo, reiterates his belief that it went unreleased for political reasons. Opinio Juris’s Peter Spiro notes that the recidivism rate is actually much lower than that of criminals and, furthermore, needs to be weighed against the high costs of keeping Guantanamo Bay open.
President Obama, flanked by environmentalists and industry representatives, announced tough new national standards for car emissions and fuel efficiency. Time’s Brian Walsh addresses the significance of the announcement and shows why Obama’s real tests on environmental policy are still ahead of him.
Jack Goldsmith, an Assistant Attorney General under President Bush, pens an important piece for the New Republic in which he says: “The main difference between the Obama and Bush administrations concerns not the substance of terrorism policy, but rather its packaging.” David Brooks writes approvingly of the piece and explains that Bush repudiated Cheney’s vision long ago and that Obama’s first term is in many ways a continuation of Bush’s second.
In a 5-4 decision, the Supreme Court ruled in Ashcroft v. Iqbal that plaintiff Iqbal’s claims against high-ranking Bush administration officials were too vague to allow the suit to survive a motion to dismiss. Scotusblog’s Lyle Denniston details why the ruling may immunize high-ranking officials from liability related to other abuses such as torture.
Finally, the New Republic’s Jonathan Chait explains why there’s one less torture proponent in America.
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